Silence and Complicity: Women in Bosnian Politics Often Reinforce the Hetero-Patriarchal Order and Reproduce Discrimination

Political elites in Bosnia and Herzegovina — especially leaders of ethnonationalist parties at all levels of government — rarely advocate for LGBTI+ and women’s rights. More often, they remain passive in cases of violence and discrimination against these groups, and sometimes are the very architects of narratives that fuel such behavior. This is reflected in rhetoric that stigmatizes LGBTI+ people and women, in political initiatives that ban LGBTI+ content in public, in the lack of legal protection (such as the failure to adopt a same-sex partnership law), in poor implementation of laws on protection from domestic and gender-based violence (including femicide as a separate criminal offense), and in the strengthening of anti-gender movements. The result is institutional reluctance to dismantle the hetero-patriarchal order and protect marginalized groups, ultimately mobilizing a conservative electorate devoted to “traditional values” and “opposing foreign interests.”

A Strong Male Hierarchy and the Defense of “Traditional Values”

The political system in BiH is characterized by strong hierarchies led by men who shape agendas and narratives, while women generally have limited access to decision-making. Most ethnonationalist parties emphasize the importance of protecting the “traditional family,” slowing progress on women’s and LGBTI+ rights. Even many female politicians neither use gender-sensitive language nor condemn violence against women and LGBTI+ people.

Politician and activist Besima Borić notes that women rarely express views differing from their party or its leadership:

“Topics like women’s rights, LGBTI+ rights, gender equality, or equal participation were never profitable within parties. Women avoid them — they’d rather stay silent than voice disagreement. Even during discussions, before conclusions are made, they remain quiet to avoid risk. They know that speaking up could ‘cost’ them, so they stay silent and compliant.”

She adds that this silence slows legislative change, as women in parliaments and other positions of power fail to unite around policies beneficial to all — sometimes even voting against progressive laws proposed by opposition parties. According to Borić, party discipline is understandable, but there are other ways to voice a stance.

Bosnian female politicians often use the discourse of “family” and “tradition,” invoking the “protection of the family,” which indirectly supports hetero-patriarchal norms and perpetuates patriarchy and homophobia. This leads to legal and social marginalization of women and LGBTI+ communities, fuels anti-gender movements, and increases vulnerability to hate speech and violence. Media spin further politicizes gender and LGBTI+ rights, diverting attention from substance to mobilize conservative voters.

Women in Politics as Carriers of Anti-Gender Propaganda

Zlatiborka Popov Momčinović, a political science professor at the University of East Sarajevo, points out that historically, women — particularly those from privileged social classes — have often sided with conservative movements, perceiving feminism as a threat to their advantages, which were frequently tied to their husbands’ status.

“One example is Phyllis Schlafly, a conservative American who led the movement against the Equal Rights Amendment. Many women joined her. Such cases are often intertwined with religion — antifeminist women are frequently backed by organized religions opposing gender equality, and by corporations whose profits rely on traditional gender roles. Anti-feminism is as old as feminism itself, and antifeminist women always weaken the movement and confuse the public.”

Momčinović explains that anti-gender movements now go further — strategically placing women at the forefront to disorient the public while attacking everything tied to gender equality: gender studies, gender-sensitive language, gender-based violence, femicide, and more.

“Earlier forms of resistance targeted specific policies; now the goal is total control — over knowledge production, educational institutions, and personal decisions about family life and reproduction. The progress achieved in gender equality has also triggered a crisis of masculinity and the rise of male-led groups that see themselves as victims, without recognizing deeper structural and economic roots of their frustration. The direction forward depends on each society’s context and specifics.”

Political Calculations by Politicians and the Electorate

Maja Gasal, Director of the Academy for Women and former MP in the Parliamentary Assembly of BiH, sees another problem: people often join parties because of personal ties, not ideology. Few choose parties based on values — if ideology even exists anymore in BiH politics. Through her own engagement, she has demonstrated what it means to genuinely fight for human rights, including women’s and LGBTI+ rights.

“The issue with most parties — especially left-leaning ones — is that while they are expected to champion women’s and LGBTI+ rights, they often avoid these topics to protect their limited voter base. Even among self-proclaimed social democrats, many oppose LGBTI+ rights. Party leaders fear losing conservative votes, especially during presidential campaigns where every vote matters. If someone from the party dares to speak up about human rights, they face internal pressure and are blamed for losing votes.”

Gasal adds that marginalized groups, including women and LGBTI+ people, often vote by inertia — for friends, family, or superiors — rather than for parties that genuinely advocate for their rights:

“I never calculated. I have my ideals and principles. The party and my parliamentary job were never my only options — I lived before politics, and I live the same after it.”

Voter Education and Party Democratization as Part of the Solution

Everyone knows elections are not won on women’s or LGBTI+ rights. Party leaders understand this, so even new politicians prefer ethnic and national topics over human rights. To change this dynamic, political party democratization, empowerment of women, and the shift in perception that women should not simply reproduce patriarchal narratives but create policies are essential. Women in politics must be freed from fear and supported when they choose to be authentic and represent all citizens.

Voter education is equally vital — building political literacy so citizens vote for ideas that make society more inclusive, not for those protecting “vital national interests.” This can be achieved through political literacy academies, especially for women, youth, LGBTI+ persons, and marginalized groups, and through local campaigns in rural areas reminding people that their vote directly shapes the quality of life for themselves and others.

It is crucial to support initiatives and politicians fighting for a better society — both as recognition and as encouragement for new leaders, men and women alike, who seek to change the system. Political literacy programs can inspire future politicians to learn about gender equality, human rights, and campaign strategies, and to contribute to building a freer, more democratic society.

Economic vs. Political Empowerment of Women

In the past decade, international donors have increasingly funded economic empowerment of women in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This mirrors a global trend of viewing gender equality through the lens of economic development and labor participation, rather than civic and political rights. Programs for female entrepreneurship, training, and employment dominate, while political education and participation receive less attention.

This focus stems from real inequality: women face severe economic disparities — a 31% unemployment rate compared to 25% for men, and a labor market gap estimated by the World Bank to cost 16.4% of GDP. Women earn less, have limited access to credit and property, and receive pensions up to 30% lower than men’s due to interrupted careers and lack of systemic support.

However, focusing solely on economic empowerment risks depoliticizing women’s issues. When women are seen primarily as workers or entrepreneurs rather than political subjects, society develops a deficit of political awareness and activism — undermining democratic development. Economic struggle consumes energy that could otherwise go into collective advocacy for rights and representation.

Key questions emerge:

– Will an exclusive focus on economic empowerment produce a politically disengaged society concerned only with short-term survival?

– Can women who run small businesses but lack political skills influence policies affecting their lives?

– Does economic empowerment without political empowerment merely reinforce a status quo where women work but remain excluded from decision-making?

True empowerment requires both. Women in poverty cannot afford to engage politically, yet economic empowerment without political literacy cannot change structural inequalities. Political empowerment allows women to shape laws, budgets, and policies that impact all aspects of life — from local services to national legislation. Without it, economic empowerment risks becoming an individual struggle in an unjust system.

The Responsibility Lies With All of Us

The absence of genuine political empowerment harms not only institutions but society as a whole. When women in politics replicate rather than challenge power structures, they become extensions of their male colleagues — guardians of the very system that marginalizes them. But the responsibility is shared. Every time voters reward party loyalty instead of accountability to citizens, we help sustain patriarchal, heteronormative politics and reduce women’s empowerment to mere numbers without real influence.

As long as we elect politicians — male or female — who promote ethnonationalist agendas and violate human rights, we remain accomplices. And as long as anyone is marginalized or deprived of basic human rights, we are all marginalized and deprived.

Written by: Vanja Šunjić

This activity was supported by the Government of Canada through the project “Building Political Power in the Margins: Strengthening Civic Participation of Rural Women and LGBTI+ People in Tuzla Canton through Education, Skills Training, and Community-Based Advocacy.” We are grateful to Canada for its contribution to this project through the Canada Fund for Local Initiatives. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the Government of Canada.